Structural Adjustment Programmes

Since  the early 1980s the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have been major players in the international systems of lending and borrowing. The huge loans to developing  countries  made in the 1970s when oil dollars swelled the western banks  had become an intolerable burden as interest rates began to rise. Poor countries lacking the hard currency to service debts had few options. When one country (Mexico) did default, the whole international credit system was in danger of collapse.

When the IMF and World Bank became involved in lending money and rescheduling  existing debts owed by developing countries, their help came with conditions. These Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) required economic reforms designed to improve a country's economic stability  by increasing export income, reducing public spending and achieving economic growth.

WHAT ARE THE ELEMENTS OF A STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT PROGRAMME?

The devaluation of a country's currency is the first step. This  makes  a country's exports cheaper on the world market, but imported goods are more expensive. The reduction of  trade barriers and tariffs creates a favourable environment for foreign investment. Public expenditure deficits must be reduced; state-owned companies are privatised.

WHAT HAS BEEN THE IMPACT OF STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT?

A  neutral  view of SAPs is that it is about countries living within their means: sound advice. In the 1980s, economic  reform for many Third World countries  was  overdue.  Achieving economic growth has improved the standard of living for most people in developed countries. Popular economic theory proclaimed that this was the only way ahead for poor countries. That was the first mistake: assuming that what had worked for rich countries would work for all. The same economic theory was applied to rich and poor, and to all poor countries with little variation. A second mistake happened as SAPs were developed. The same advice on which export crops to grow was given to most countries, resulting in overproduction of some commodities and a drop in their prices on world markets. Instead of rising, export earnings often declined. Country by country, structural adjustment became the problem, not the solution.

ARE STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT PROGRAMMES ALL BAD?

Some countries - Ghana, for instance - have benefited from the structural adjustment package. Other  countries  have  made some gains. But economic progress has  not  helped the  poorest people. In November 1993, the IMF and World Bank pronounced Zambia a "showpiece" of economic reform.  Zambia  was said to be "doing well". [Times of Zambia, November  1993] Earlier that year Zambia's Episcopal Conference had written an open letter, "Hear the Cry of the Poor", challenging the supposed gains of structural adjustment and demonstrating that the poorest Zambians were loosing out in the "showpiece" economy.

STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT'S CASUALTIES

CAFOD's partners provide evidence from their experiences with the poorest people that  it  is the weakest who suffer most from SAPs. To help cushion the blow of what was meant to be short-term economic reform, structural adjustment  packages in most countries went hand-in-hand with safety nets: funds for social programmes for victims of  SAPs. Over the years many of these safety nets have failed to offer enough protection to those most at risk. In the countries where CAFOD partners monitor the effects of structural adjustment (Zambia  and Zimbabwe), it is clear that many people are not receiving the basic health and education services the safety nets were intended to provide.

WHAT DO OUR PARTNERS SAY?

By looking at two countries in particular - Mexico and Zimbabwe  -  we can see how the underlying economic theory of structural adjustment effects the everyday lives of  the poorest people.

Currency  devaluation A  modest devaluation of currency need not  spell economic disaster; when the devaluation is substantial and swift, inflation follows. CAFOD's  partner CENCOS gives this glimpse into Mexico's economic "health" in 1995:

The economy deflated by 6.8%; inflation reached 51.97%; the devaluation of the peso to the dollar was 110%; $52 million was paid in foreign debt servicing. Nevertheless, our total debt rose to some $200 billion, representing 76.1% of the national GNP.

Cuts  in  public spending and the introduction of fees for public services Decreases  in  public spending  and  the  introduction of fees for education and health care hit the poorest first. A CAFOD partner in Zimbabwe, CADEC, reports:

The introduction of school fees for primary education in towns hits especially the very poor families who survive in the informal sector. There are poor families, often single mother households, who cannot afford the fees . . . already now the number of school drop-outs at primary level is significant.

And of the effects on health, the same partner says:

Nowhere are the "killing effects" of ESAP (Economic Structural Adjustment Programme)  more obvious than in the health status of the people. Low or no income at all and high prices  lower the  nutritional standards  of  the  people.  People  now have  one  meal  per  day  .  .  . Our Government  introduced  fees for treatment in the hospitals and clinics . . . As  a  consequence hospital and clinic attendance declined.

Structural  adjustment:  a  short-term cure? Poverty is long term say partners in Zimbabwe. One generation's poverty affects future generations. ESAP is meant to be a short  term  cure that will bring benefits to everyone in the end. But for one woman, "in the end" seems like too long to wait.

I have heard that ESAP will be painful for some time, but that eventually our situation will get better. I think I will be dead by then."

WHAT  DOES  CAFOD  SAY  ABOUT  SAPS?

Since 1992 the World Bank has held that "substantial poverty reduction is [its] overarching aim". These fine words have never made a enough real difference in the way SAPs have been designed and  implemented. CAFOD calls for SAPs to be judged on whether they alleviate poverty, and not just whether a country reaches short-term monetary targets. What could change? The development of new SAPs should involve  more input from community groups within the country in question. Social indicators (life expectancy, literacy rates) should be measured along with economic indicators (growth rates, balance of trade) when determining the effects of structural adjustment. Investment  in  small-scale agriculture and in employment-generating projects is needed. Balanced and sustainable growth depends on much more than just increased export earnings. The effects of structural adjustment on women and the environment particularly need to be monitored. The financial institutions imposing SAPs should be more accountable to the countries who fund them. Structural adjustment is bound up with existing patterns of indebtedness and with increasingly liberal trade policies. While reforming SAPs is crucial, it must go hand in hand with the cancellation of unpayable debt the establishment of fairer world trade patterns if the poor are to have a fair deal.

Information Sources and Services, CAFOD Policy Briefings,

 
Headlines from Catholic World News

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